"Brexit is a 
destruction derby's worth of car crashes waiting to happen". This is an 
almost standard quotation from a rant on Left Futures. Yet the evidence 
for this is slight, especially after the failed pre-Brexit vote analyses
 of economic prospects - the expected disaster gets pushed ever further 
forwards and has now reduced itself to a bout of moderate inflation that
 is matched by the export opportunities arising and being taken.
The better analysis is that adaptive capitalist entrepreneurialism 
offers a greater threat to socialism - apparent success through 
not-so-hidden exploitation. Observers are often letting an 'ought' get 
in the way of an 'is' as is the way with ideologues.
Corbyn has 
things partly right by hammering on about those who are going to lose 
from adaptive capitalism - the public sector workers, cultural workers 
and the near-marginalised (those between the truly marginalised which 
adaptive capitalism will care for and the private sector working class 
which may well benefit or rather appear to benefit sufficiently to 
continue voting for it rather than higher taxes) - and those 'hidden 
costs' that the weakening of welfare causes to the wider population even
 in times of economic growth (social care, lack of housing stock on 
which he could say more and so on).
The problem is that the 
analysis stops there. A bloc is mobilised but not one sufficient to take
 power democratically. Meanwhile middle class ideologues engage in 
constant misdirection by predicting (or hoping for?) some economic 
meltdown in a one-off gamble that is as likely to help the populist 
Right as the Left depending on the circumstances of the time.
Since the Tories under May are almost certainly 'in' for up to four 
years, they have considerable room for manouevre. Even the strike at 
their own base with self-employed NI (which Corbyn cannot exploit for 
ideological reasons) is happening early with deliberation in order to 
store up giveways later.
Their internal contradiction is their new-found interest in 
‘strengthening the state’ for security reasons and their need to contain
 radical populism that wants either lower taxes or more expenditure and 
it is in thrusting a pole into that hole that their model can be wedged 
apart.
But that is not what we get. Beyond the social mobilisation strategy 
to get the existing bloc in line, all we get is short term ranting and 
obsessions with ‘done deals’ like Brexit from the ‘intellectuals’ while 
the old base of the Party drifts into the other camp.
What is required, on the back of the bloc mobilisation strategy, is a
 second level of national economic strategy that deals in a non-Luddite 
fashion with techno-innovation, especially techno-innovation in the key 
areas of social care and the NHS where one suspects it is the public 
sector unions who are in danger of being the block to changes that could
 considerably improve lives of citizens and workers.
I have seen robotics used safely for patient-lifting to end or limit 
back injuries for NHS workers – Labour should be engaged fully in the 
socially responsible process of assessing, analysing, regulating, 
promoting and state support for technologies that would make the UK a 
global leader in the new cost-effective mass welfarism. The People’s State should be the intermediary between capitalist innovation (which, I
 am afraid, works in its clumsy wasteful way) and the condition of the 
people.
By engaging in a national debate about the future rather than the 
past, the middle ground no longer has to be secured on Blairism (minimal
 taxes, foreign adventurism, cultural manipulation and adaptive 
neo-liberalism) but on something very different – a neo-socialist 
commitment to life cycle welfare, lifetime education and retraining to 
adapt to new innovation, application of innovation to social needs and 
increasing income security for all citizens within a national sovereign 
state.
Worrying about who will succeed May is almost certainly idle. She has
 control of the levers of power until she loses an election and that is 
at least four years away – if then, at this rate.
 
